Publications

Medeiros, Sabrina Evangelista

Regional security frameworks have been present in the last decades in both Asia-Pacific and Latin America (LATAM) regions, but it seems that their motivators are pretty different - and we can think on some of those essential conjecture determinants. In this regard, current security threats in the Asia Pacific are more geopolitically associated than the Latin American challenges, which are governed by domestic instabilities, border security, and transnational crime issues. Although an expressive part of the challenges lies in problems such as illegal flows of drugs and arms, people trafficking, or institutional degradation, the absence of particular interest in the LATAM region from the regional powers opened space for other interests, concurrence, and access to other funding mechanisms that can indirectly affect the current demands for the regional security.

Rodriguez, Ana Paula Moreira

International migrations have several fields of analysis because it is a multidisciplinary theme, so that contemporary studies should expand the scope of research considering multiple perspectives beyond data collection. Issues related to the problems of development and infrastructure in the countries and conflicts of different orders are the main factors of population repulsion. The nature of the flows currently operates in a south-north direction continuously, mainly to western countries. It is possible to observe a progressive increase in women among the displaced population, whose overlapping vulnerabilities condition a phenomenon that deserves different treatment. It is intended to look again at migratory movements, especially the flow of women for various reasons and their displacement by different routes. In their travels, they are vulnerable to gender-exclusive vulnerabilities that overlap with the condition of a migrant at the moment when the number of migrant women becomes more potent. The vulnerabilities present in the origin, transit, and destination are sheltered by patriarchal cultures, added to religious, ethnic, and economic issues that hinder access to recognition or inclusion policies. Migration theories that address only the issues of origin and destination are no longer effective in explaining these issues since traffic is constant or multiple and destinations are triangulated.

Medeiros, Sabrina Evangelista, Rodriguez, Ana Paula M., Mendes, Cintiene Sandes M., Becker, Luzia, Hryniewicz, Lygia, Duarte, Ana Beatriz, Osorio, Flavia Seidel, Dionisio da Silva, Daniele

The InterAgency Institute is dedicated to research security issues, such as border control, interagency schemes, and cooperation frameworks, especially complex scenarios, policy building, and governance. Our proposal aims at enhancing collaboration in developing ideas for a more effective multistakeholder approach in dealing with migration crises, adopting a people-centered approach and a gender perspective. Our focus for the HNPW 2021 is the Venezuelan refugee crisis, especially the experiences and demands of women, LGBTQIA +and children. Our main invitee is Plataforma CIPÓ, an independent policy research institute dedicated to climate and environmental issues, as well as correlate issues such as migration, including in the Amazon basin. Theme: Humanitarian Operations, Gender Vulnerability, and Security Agencies. Humanitarian actions aimed at supporting migrant populations involve situations of vulnerability, often featuring violations of rights. In institutionally deteriorated systems, groups of affected individuals crossing international borders receive different types of treatment from the various stakeholders involved, which calls for qualified policies to overcome barriers to assistance, especially to women, LGBTQI+ and children. Latin America's recent experience with the Venezuela refugee crisis, including the movement of large numbers of Venezuelans to Brazilian and Colombian cities (as either final or intermediate destinations), shows that, despite local innovations, greater attention is needed to women, LGBTQI+ and children. The Acolhida Operation, launched in 2018 by the Brazilian government with support from civil society, private sector, and international organizations, has had a significant impact in terms of developing coordination instruments to facilitate cooperation among military, security, social and civil society institutions. As with any complex environment, the humanitarian operations in this context are also marked by both improvements and failures. Recently, one of the humanitarian shelters dedicated to women, LGBTQI+, and children in the border state of Roraima (Brazil) was invaded by the Federal Police, without previous notification or court order. In addition, the COVID-19 pandemic also poses new challenges in addressing humanitarian contingencies, and the sanitary conditions of the Acolhida Operation have been conditioned by an upholding security approach. This environment may create other adverse conditions for the wellbeing of the migrants, like conflicts of conduct, in which the rules of engagement are either incipient or nonexistent. Women, LGBTQI+ and children are especially affected, and thus, more attention is needed in terms of understanding and improving how institutions and representatives behave and how interaction should be governed in the field. Objectives – Our objective is to discuss ways to govern the interaction between local agencies and external observation, military and civilian; to build communication schemes, and to promote multistakeholder incremental policy-building. Target audience – our target audience comprises students, researchers, and practitioners (from national, local, international organizations, NGOs).  Expected outcomes - In the first activity, we are proposing a conceptual and governance lens to offer guidelines for addressing the needs of women, LGBTQI+ and children. In the second session, we will build a simulation in order to propose a framework informed by the views of different stakeholders. 

Duarte, Ana Beatriz

Disinformation is as old as communication itself. But the last five years have brought new stakeholders into the information ecosystem, rearranging the previous set of powers. The election of Donald Trump as president of the world-leading economy and the referendum that voted for the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union, both in 2016, are milestones of a new scenario, where disinformation is no exception or a side effect. It is instead on an exponential rise, just like an epidemic. As the context is no longer the same, social remedies should be updated too.

Moreira, Veronica

On April15 ,the Pew Research Center published a study that points to a strong approval of the United States President Joseph R. Biden Jr., within his nearly 100 days at the helm of the White House command. To illustrate, 2% is the difference between Joe Biden and Barack Obama, on the occasion of his first term (2009–2012). In the survey, focused on the first 100 days of the presidential terms, Biden appears with 59% approval whereas Obama, in 2009, reached 61%. (1) It is important to highlight that in the United States it is common to use the first 100 days of the President of the Republic’s term as an indication of what will be a priority for that country’s government and which paths will be taken to deal with these priorities. Considering the fact that the United States continues to occupy the place of the main economic, political, and military power of the international system and the shift promoted by the management of Joe Biden vis-à-vis his predecessor, Donald Trump, it is important to reflect on the conduct of the foreign policy of the United States, with emphasis on the possible impacts on the course of the global agenda and on the behavior of actors more sensitive to North American choices.

Martins, Juliana MIranda

In the last decades, the decline of the European welfare state, the crisis of the founding values of the European Union and the exponential advance of the global market macro-economy have led the European Countries to the challenge of re-inventing their public policy, moving beyond the traditional approach of the post-war period. Since the reorganization of the “new world order” to the present day, the Member States signed many international treaties and conventions underlying the importance of social participation in public choices, conceived as “the new spirit of democracy” (Blondiaux 2008) and representing “the future of the relationships between society and institutions” (Allegretti 2006). In this policy brief we introduced conceptually the new paradigm of Cultural Heritage as a premise of multifunctional public policies aimed at environmental sustainability and restructuring of the pilot plan for cities in smart cities; for the socioeconomic development of peripheral and border areas; for the holistic education of the citizens of the future and above all as a re-establishment of spaces for inclusion and democratic participation. In this sense, Cultural Heritage does not have an end in itself as a statistical entity and subject to preservation, but adds economic and cultural values at the same time that it is dynamically and interactively safeguarded with the community of which it is a part.

Hryniewicz, Lygia

The BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) consolidated itself as a possible economic bloc of international cooperation during 2000. The bank Goldman Sachs was the first to categorize the BRICS countries as promising markets for economic and finance agents' operation. However, in 2008, with the global financial crises that reach the US and Europe, the discussion about the role of the BRICS becomes relevant. The crises emphasized the significant countries' economic fragilities and reduced their powers face to the new world order. In 2009, the first summit of the BRICS in Russia with the presence of the chiefs of the state of the five countries, with annual summits since then. At the current time, the BRICS try to consolidate an agenda of discussion beyond the market identity. The thematic that should be strengthened in the BRICS agenda is Social Justice. If we think in the post COVID10 pandemic, the vulnerable population's social and economic impacts will be, no doubt, the most negatives.

Becker, Luzia Costa

Five years after their approval by the United Nations, the Sustainable Development Goals – SDG – have become an important source of debate and mobilization in the proposition of public policies in several countries, including Brazil. By 2030, a new civilizational consensus on meaningful issues of human life shall be built, from the eradication of poverty to the development of smart cities and the protection of the oceans. In this process, tourism, which accounts for 10,3% of the world’s GDP and employment, due to its relevance in the global economic panorama, stands as an essential tool for the fulfillment of the 17 SDGs. Since Brazil ranks second in natural resources and ninth in cultural resources, revealing an impressive potential for developing tourism on a sustainable basis, the great challenge is to change municipalities with this potential into a smart tourist destination.

Piccolli, Larlecianne

Among the challenges faced in the 20th century, a nuclear war threat has caught the international community's attention. The containment of nuclear danger gained space on the superpowers' agenda, becoming a prominent theme in the cooperative processes between the United States of America (USA) and the Soviet Union (USSR), later, Russia. The abandonment of the ABM Treaty and doubts surrounding the New START Treaty, despite its five-year extension, would put the International System's strategic stability to the test. This pressure is even greater in the face of the development of new weapons technologies. This policy brief presents a brief overview of nuclear arms agreements and their future related to new strategic weapons.

Medeiros, Sabrina Evangelista

ENDORSE - The European Data Conference on Reference Data and Semantics The purpose of this research is to show how practitioners´ (actors) interaction may add to semantics and interoperability.

Seidel Osorio, Flavia

The FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia), used the same acronym in August 2017 to define its new political name - “Alternative Revolutionary Force of the Common” - and a red rose as a logo, evoking the social-democratic symbols, after its demobilization as an armed group. In January 2021, it officially changed its name to “Comunes”, at its 2nd National Assembly, which took place in the city of Medellín. The claim for such a change is that FARC is a name already stigmatized and that its maintenance after the demobilization of the guerrillas generated resistance in the population. According to its leaders, this change is a “real and transformative bet for peace” in Colombia. Its members believe that the change will revolve its already scratched image, putting the party back in the running for the 2022 legislative elections. This is what we will look into this Policy Brief.

Ayres Pinto, Danielle Jacon

Despite its enormous conflicts, the contemporary world has proved to be the most peaceful period in the world since the two great world wars. Never before have States exchanged their offensive and violent capacities through interaction that promote conversation between them, trade, and especially, create rules to improve and facilitate their relations in the international system. Traditional diplomacy has become a central element in States' political action. However, with the emergence of new information and communication technologies and the new dynamics of virtual sociability through social media, this diplomacy has come under enormous pressure (01). The negotiations within a traditional diplomatic board began to occupy the public space of social media apps where political leaders started to interact and make political movements (02). Thus, the virtual space that for many was seen exclusively as a new domain of war has become, through its political use, a possible new tool for peace-building and promoter of great negotiations between States.